30 May | 2006 | Subject Middle East & North Africa (MENA)
So much that is both critical and consequential is happening these days in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Last week alone, Mahmoud Abbas, President of the Palestinian Authority, launched a controversial political gamble when he gave Hamas ten days to decide whether it would accept a Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza Strip - with its capital in Arab east Jerusalem. Otherwise, the president added, he would call for a referendum on his plan.
This political démarche by a president considered by some observers as far too US-friendly, inactive or drab also relies in its astuteness on the fact that it is founded on a document drawn up by Marwan Barghouti, the charismatic Fateh leader now languishing in an Israeli gaol. Besides, the document has amongst its signatories a number of leading prisoners from the Hamas movement, and therefore carries with it additional moral authority let alone political clout.
This challenge by Abu Mazen - to Hamas in one sense - is also a challenge to Israel, the USA, the whole Quartet and ultimately the international community. As I wrote in Where Do We Possibly Go Now? ( Epektasis , 28 April 2006), Israel has been persisting in the construction of a separation wall that is slowly sealing off Jerusalem as much as the Jordan Valley from other Palestinian territories, folding in the major Israeli settlement blocs on the West Bank (thereby expropriating even more Palestinian land) and bisecting the West Bank into non-contiguous and irrelevant parcels. To top this up, the Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, obtained recently US President George Bush' conditional support for a unilateralist strategy that would allow Israel to delineate its own future borders with the Palestinians. If this were to occur, when coupled with a policy of creeping annexations, it becomes evident that Palestinians would lose yet another chunk of the paltry 22% of landmass they had pragmatically accepted as the basis for their future "sovereign" state.
I met PM Ehud Olmert when he was mayor: even if Hamas were to accept the Abbas ultimatum, or if a referendum were to be held that in all likelihood would be endorsed by a majority of peace-seeking Palestinians, Israel under Olmert could still shilly-shally by re-ventilating the otiose roadmap process and demanding that Palestinians fulfil their obligations prior to any negotiations. But we have already been there, many times over, so we also know that Israel would flinch once more at the idea of, say, the right of return for Palestinian refugees. However, as the Financial Times editorial reminded its readers last week, the Arab peace plan of 2002 calls for a "just solution" to the refugee problem, and even the final peace talks in 2000 dealt more with compensation than with the full-fledged return of 4 million Palestinians.
Could the ball be in the Israeli court now, and has Abbas truly outflanked an intransigent Israel that has stalled the process by claiming that there is no negotiator on the Palestinian side? The flaccid Quartet, so keen on undoing the recent election results, should dredge up enough political chutzpah to revive the process of peacemaking between the two countervailing parties. A lot is at stake at the moment, and bold steps rather than mediocre ones are necessary.
But bold steps are not the homepage of politicians alone. In a Middle Eastern scenario, civil society and religion also have their say in the quest for a just and durable peace. Only last week, for instance, I was invited by the ever-growing Alliance avec les Chrétiens en Politique (ACEP) to lecture on the political role of churches and related organisations in the conflict(s) of the Middle East. After all, it is my belief that our faith should engage us more ethically (and proactively) in the political field - whether in advocacy, strategy building, negotiation, mediation or reconciliation.
This is why I reproduce today the recommendations from a statement entitled The time is ripe to do what is right by the Executive Committee of the World Council of Churches (WCC) in Geneva during its meetings 16-19 May 2006. The statement articulated the sober conclusion of the WCC that 'peace must come soon or it may not come to either people [Israelis and Palestinians] for a long time.' In its statement, the WCC Executive Committee:
In his Letter from Birmingham Jail to fellow clergymen on 16 April 1963, Dr Martin Luther King wrote that "[W]e will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence of the good people ... We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right". Indeed, only last week, the participants at the ACEP colloquium were asking me how they could best contribute toward the irenic resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I admit that the WCC document is not a panacea for all the issues, but it remains a laudable basis for renewed negotiations, as it re-visits with integrity and sobriety a conflict that has been expediently shelved for more than three years now. The failure to harness this conflict means that the whole region could polarise increasingly more against a perceived Israeli-American-European bias, and any attempts to change its dynamics through democracy would then be viewed as yet another fig leaf for fresh colonialism.
The time is both right and ripe today, and we should desist from engineering subtle ploys and clever tactics in order to spin our way out of this challenge or duck our responsibilities ... once more.
© Dr Harry Hagopian | 2006 | 30 May